韓國(guó)如何讓民主與商業(yè)并進(jìn)

The situation may not be unprecedented in states experiencing coups or collapses. But South Korea is a democracy, standing squarely on its own feet. The trials have been conducted by an independent judiciary. The arrest of former president Park Geun-hye followed citizens’ peaceful demonstrations against bribery and cronyism. Last week’s conviction of Lee Jae-yong, the vice-chairman and de facto leader of the Samsung chaebol, has not — so far — been derailed by that group’s immense influence. South Korea, a country long characterised by too-close relationships between corporations and government, could be in the opening stages of a bloodless and lawful revolution.

Much remains to be done to invigorate both democracy and business in South Korea, and ensure the proper distance between the two.

The recent events form a coda to a half century of astonishing change. In 1970 less than half of South Koreans went to secondary school. Now they are more likely to graduate from university than people in any other country. In five decades, gross domestic product per person has risen 20-fold to nearly $40,000 (adjusted for the local cost of living). This demonstrated that rapid growth and democracy can go hand in hand.

As in other developing countries, family-run conglomerates — with their stable leadership, internal sources of financing and shared management resources — proved an effective corporate structure for a fast-growing, export-oriented economy. The government was determined to see these growth engines succeed. The result was a group of companies, with Samsung at the fore, that were equal — or even superior — in civic importance to the government itself.

Deep links between the state and the chaebol served the country in one stage of its history. But institutions that once nurtured nascent industries can also shelter entrenched interests. Ms Park is on trial, in part, for colluding in extorting funds from companies. The case against Mr Lee turned on a merger among Samsung subsidiaries which would have consolidated family control at the expense of minority shareholders. Prosecutors argued that he paid bribes to one of Ms Parks’ associates to ensure the deal would go through.

The chaebol have not, however, protected the country’s younger generation from high unemployment. They know that the old economic and civic order requires fundamental change.

The next step is ensuring that the justice system continues to operate unimpeded. If Mr Lee’s conviction is upheld on appeal, he should not be pardoned — as his father was, twice, for financial wrongdoing. The current president, Moon Jae-in, has vowed not to extend a pardon, but he will be under terrific pressure. Similarly, the treatment of Ms Park must demonstrate that all are equal before the law.